Sunday, May 3, 2015

Judges Appointment Bill 2014 & Collegiums System of appointing the judges: An Analysis


By: Jivesh Jha

LLB  Student at UTU, Dehradun


Abstract:

The collegiums system of appointing the judges for the higher judiciary has almost breathed its last, giving a new life to the newly notified JAC this year. With the introduction of JAC at the hands of Narendra Modi-led ‘popular’ government, the double decade history of collegiums system is all set to be thrown in cold storage. However, the governments’ move to scrap to the collegiums system has raised many eyebrows, leaving the huge media coverage in the wake of heated argument among the considerable sections of society. The endorsement of present JAC is a planned ploy of the incumbent government to foil the effective administration of justice and moreover an attempt to play with the spirits of the independency of judiciary. After going through this hotcake, I came to learn that if the JAC takes a course, the Narendra Modi-led government would be always remembered in history for a no good reason; but for calumniating political interest in appointment of judges of higher courts, including the highest court of land in India.   


Acknowledgement:

I would like to express my profound gratitude to my respected Teacher and Supervisor of this mini-project Dr Sharafat Ali, for his scholarly and insightful supervision, without which the accomplishment of the present mini-research work would have been impossible. I would like to thank my respected teacher for his intuitive suggestions, and regular lectures.
Subsequently, I would also like to pay gratitude to the –google guru and Dr JN Pandey’s commentary on Constitutional Law—for helping me to collect the data.
Once again I would like to thank my teacher for his motivational lectures and regular classes. It would have been an uphill task for me to complete this project had I not attended the classes regularly.
Finally, I would like to remember my Parents and almighty without whose blessings nothing would have been possible.   



Introduction: 

The collegiums system of appointing the judges for the highest court of the land in India has almost become a thing of past. With the introduction of National Judicial Appointment Commission (NJAC)-2014, the long stayed collegiums system breathed its last, giving the life for the new notion to appoint the judges of the Apex court.
The Judicial Appointments Commission Bill defines the establishment of the proposed body to recommend appointment and transfer of judges of the Supreme Court and the high courts. It has been provisioned that the newly formed JAC will be headed by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) and will have two Supreme Court judges, the Law Minister and two eminent citizens - -to be selected by a panel comprising the Prime Minister, CJI and Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha - as its members. However, the Secretary of Justice in the Law Ministry will be the convener of JAC.
Meanwhile, echoing about the independency of judiciary as a need of hour, the disgruntled judiciary pronounced in a contrary gesture. By adopting a hard-gloved tactics, the honorable Supreme Court came with decisions, which more or less was an apparent attack to the competent legislature. At a time when the legislative body kept their eyes glued-on over the working nature of judiciary, the pronouncements of the Apex court in a consecutive three cases made them bolt. The legislative body was not much happy with the decisions of the court. However, the judiciary was pledged to endorse such a framework which could evaporate the extraordinary intervention of the legislative body and moreover the say of union cabinet.
The practice of appointing judges started after 1993, replacing the system of government picking judges for higher judiciary comprising the Supreme Court and High Courts. The move to set aside the 1993 Supreme Court judgement, which led to the collegium system, required a constitutional status. In the case of Supreme Court Advocates-on Record Association vs Union of India – 1993, a nine-judge constitutional bench has held with the majority of 7:2 that the president will always consult the CJI while appointing the judges for the Apex court. More, the President will act or function in accordance with the consultation of the CJI. It was further held that the CJI will recommend the names of judges with suggestions of two seniormost judges. It was also held that in order to appoint CJI, the president will always appoint the seniormost judge as CJI.
Firstly the union cabinet used to hold the absolute power in appointment and the transfer of judges of the higher courts. However, with this pronouncement, the union cabinets’ long stayed power went in vain. Nevertheless, the dissident union cabinet took initiative to revive their energy by endorsing the controversial JAC for appointing the judges. And, yes they succeeded in this regard. Though its’ not a healthier symptom for the independency of judiciary, the popular government led by Narendra Modi and Shiv Shankar Prasad as Union Law Minister did not leave even a single stone unturned to make sure their victory.
The opacity of the collegium system and allegations of bias are fast losing its support and the government of the day is striking while the iron is hot. The Constitutional Amendment Bill gives a JAC the powers of appointing judges to the Supreme Court and the High Courts.

JAC: Composition

* Chief Justice of India (Chair)
* 2 senior most SC judges
* Union Law Minister
* 2 people nominated by collegiums, consisting of PM, CJI and Leader of Opposition in   Lok Sabha

Yesteryears’ Collegiums System

·       The judiciary used to hold absolute power
·       A five-member team, where 4 seniormost judges of SC as members plus CJI
·       Seniormost judges appointed as CJI by the President

The present paper deals with an analysis on whether the the appointment of judges in higher judiciary made by JAC is a healthier symptom for the independence of judiciary or not. The first part of the paper would give introduction about the newly notified Act-- JAC. The subsequent part of the paper would shade light on the long stayed and much travelled road of collegiums system. Meanwhile, the paper would also offer a vivid picture on the comparative analysis between the yesteryears’ Collegiums system and newly notified NJAC. Finally, the paper would give a conclusion, underscoring the call for of independence of judiciary a need of hour. 

JAC Bill: A Legislative Approach  

While the PM Narendra Modi-led cabinet came up with a new Bill in the name of securing so called transparency in appointing the judges of higher judiciary, a large section of society raised their eyebrows. For some such move of the government is healthier, while for some its’ a planned game to foil the independency of judiciary. However, a large chunk of society remained skeptical with the new Bill, expressing their serious concern over it.
The Judicial Appointments Commission defines the establishment of the proposed body to recommend appointment and transfer of judges of the Supreme Court and the high courts.
The proposed JAC will be headed by the Chief Justice of India and will have two Supreme Court judges, the Law Union Minister and two eminent persons- to be selected by a panel comprising the Prime Minister, CJI and Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha - as its members.[1] Secretary (Justice) in the Law Ministry will be the convener of JAC. According to the bill, while new Article 124 A of the Constitution will define the composition of JAC, Article 124 B will define its functions.[2]
In a major political victory for the Narendra Modi government, the Rajya Sabha on August 14, 2014 passed the “landmark” National Judicial Appointments Commission Bill, 2014, which was unanimously cleared by the Lok Sabha. The Bill was passed by a voice vote in Rajya Sabha following a detailed discussion on the government`s proposal to scrap the existing collegium system for appointment of judges in higher judiciary. A Constitution Amendment (121st) Bill to facilitate the establishment of a Commission to appoint judges to higher judiciary was also passed by majority in the Upper House.
The two measures were taken up separately after questions were raised by members over legislative competence of the House amid apprehensions that it could be struck down by the judiciary as `ultra vires`. A determined government asserted that Parliament is supreme and competent enough to enact laws and that it has no intention of transgressing on independence of the judiciary through the new law.[3]
The Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad underlined that the new measure of appointing judges to Supreme Court and High Courts will come into effect only after ratification of the Constitution Amendment Bill by 50 percent state assemblies. The process could take up to eight months. After ratification, the government is supposed to send it to the President for his approval. With this step, the collegium system of judges appointing judges will be changed with a six-member Commission headed by Chief Justice of India making the appointments and transfers. However, the Bill has already notified in April this year.
The bill was passed to replace the existing collegium system for appointing judges.
A batch of petitions had been filed by various bar associations, NGOs and individuals challenging the validity of the commission on the ground that it affected the basic structure of the Constitution, which had accorded primacy to the Chief Justice of India in the appointment of judges to keep it free from political and executive influence.
In responding over the controversial Bill, a three-judge bench of Justices A.R. Dave, J Chelameshwar and Madan B. Lokur, however, had said last year that the whole thing looks like an unworkable situation, particularly Section 5 of the NJAC Act on the appointment of the future Chief Justice of India.[4]
According to Section 5(1), "the commission shall recommend for appointment the senior-most judge of the Supreme Court as the Chief Justice of India if he is considered fit to hold the office. "Provided that a member of the commission, whose name is being considered for recommendations, shall not participate in the meeting."
At the time of discussion the then Justice Chelameshwar pointed out that a peculiar situation might arise. If the senior-most judge is not considered fit to be the CJI, the next judge in seniority will have to be considered for elevation. But then even that second senior-most judge -- because of the provision in Section 5 -- cannot be a member of the NJAC since his own appointment is under consideration. In the process, the fourth and fifth senior-most judges will have to be inducted in the NJAC. The whole thing looks like an unworkable situation, Justice Chelameshwar further said.[5] 
However, the government had already asserted that the appointment of judges to the high courts and the Supreme Court by the NAJC would strengthen the independence of judiciary, rather than weakening it. Nevertheless, their claim has raised many eyebrows as it is expected that it would certainly invite political intervention in judiciary in a broad daylight. Moreover, it may invite collision between judiciary and legislature.
After going through the heated arguments, what I felt that to some extent it’s a war between cat and rat for a meal. The government in the name of mandate wants to make provisions as fit for their ideology, while the dissident judiciary sings a different music.    

The Validity & Practicality of NJAC

The considerable section of society is divided over the new Act. The jurists, eminent media persons, judges, academia and among others don’t share unanimity of opinion in this regard. For some it’s a noble idea, while for some it’s a planned ploy to put the independency of judiciary in suspended animation.
Confident of ensuring the Act as the best platform for appointing judges in higher judiciary, the Union Law Minister Shiv Shankar Prasad had said that the government favours independence of judiciary but the "sanctity" and "supremacy" of Parliament is equally important as it reflects aspirations of the people.
The government on April 13, 2015 notified a law and a constitutional amendment establishing the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC), bringing an end to the collegium system that has allowed a small group of judges to appoint judges to higher courts for over two decades.
The development came just two days before the Supreme Court is to begin hearing the constitutional validity of the law and the amendment—the NJAC Act and the related constitutional amendment—on 15 April.
A three-judge bench of the apex court on 7 April referred several petitions challenging the constitutionality of the government move to a five-judge bench. It said that the petitions had raised “substantial questions of law as to the interpretation of the Constitution” that needed to be heard by a constitution bench of five judges.
But it refrained from ordering a stay on the law, although the petitioners had claimed the move to establish NJAC represented an attack on the independence of the judiciary. However for the former law minister and Member of Parliament Ram Jethmalani NJAC is “a fraud on the Constitution.” Under the collegium system, neither the legislature nor the executive had any role in the appointment of judges to high courts and the Supreme Court. Instead, the matter was decided by small groups—or collegiums—of judges, a system that finds no mention in the Constitution.
“The notification has happened. The court will test the laws. But one thing is clear—as of today, the collegium system comes to an end,” said attorney general Mukul Rohatgi[6].
On the contrary, Centre for Public Interest Litigation (CPIL), on 13th February 2015,  had filed a PIL in the Supreme Court challenging the latest Constitutional Amendment creating National Judicial Appointments Commission for the appointment of Supreme Court and High Court Judges. CPIL has argued that it violates the basic structure of the Constitution since only a full-time body which functions with transparency can make proper appointments. The current NJAC is neither full time nor transparent.[7]
Likewise, the petitioners, including the Supreme Court Advocates-on-record Association and the Bar Association of India, have challenged the national judicial appointments commission law because it compromises the independence of the judiciary. Interestingly, the Supreme Court Bar Association, which also sought to be made party to the case, was in favour of the new commission, and said that it was a “brilliant mixture” of the judiciary, executive and civil society.
The government is confronting what has been described as a "constitutional stalemate," with the Chief Justice of India telling Prime Minister Narendra Modi that he will not be a part of the new system of appointing judges until the Supreme Court decides on its validity.
          In a significant move from the Apex Court on April 25, 2015 the Chief Justice of India (CJI) HL Dattu has told PM Modi in his letter on Saturday that until there is a court ruling, he will not attend meetings of the Commission, which replaces the two decade-old collegium system of judges appointing judges and widens the process to include the government. The chief justice has also refused to be in the panel to select two eminent persons who are to be in the six-member commission.
"In response to the invitation from your office to attend meeting to select two eminent persons, I have to say that it is neither appropriate nor desirable for me to attend the meeting or part of National Judicial Appointments Commission till the Supreme Court decides its validity," Justice Dattu wrote to PM Modi.[8]
Reports suggest that if the top judge does not change his mind, then at least 12 judges could be out of a job within the next two months. In the Supreme Court on April 20, Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi, arguing on behalf of the government, said the Constitution bench must direct the chief justice to attend the meetings.[9]
 After Justice Dattu's letter, the new commission would be caught in a constitutional stalemate, he pleaded. The appointments commission, Mr Rohatgi added, can function even without the two eminent members. The other four members of the Commission are the Chief Justice, two senior Supreme Court judges and the Law Minister[10]. The constitution bench said that since the tenure of one of the judges ends in May, the court may pass orders if the new commission doesn't function because of the Chief Justice's refusal to join it.
Meanwhile, in a similar breath, the Attorney Genral of India Rohtagi said last year in an open group discussion that appointing judges by the NJAC will strengthen the independence of the judiciary, rather than weakening it.[11]  
Nonetheless, in contrary gesture, the Supreme Court judges came down heavily on the government’s claim. Expressing their dissatisfaction over the Bill, some of the justices openly criticized the government’s strategy. Among them, justice Chelameshwar was skeptical over the practicality of the said Bill. He said last year that the whole thing looks like an unworkable situation.
Similarly, the opposition parties had condemned the move of the government. They are of the view that it would offer collision between judiciary and legislative body. The political parties have clarified that the Narendra Modi-led government has come up with such Bill to influence the working nature of judiciary.
After the bill becomes law and takes a course, the government will have a say in the appointment of Supreme Court and High Court judges after 21 years. Once the Commission is formed, 266 vacancies for judges in 24 High Courts are likely to be filled expeditiously. The Supreme Court, which has a sanctioned strength of 31, also has one vacancy. The appointment of new judges is also expected to speed up the backlog of legal cases in courts across the country.


Collegium System: A Judicial Approach

          Though as soon the JAC Bill becomes the law, the collegiums system of appointing judges in higher courts become a thing of past, it is of worth to study it. It used to be comprised of as many as five members, including CJI plus 4 seniormost SC judges. Such a competent platform used to appoint the judges in higher judiciary.
          The highest court of the land in India had observed contrary views in the three leading cases in this heated debate.
·       First Judges' Case: Executive has primacy
·       Second Judges' Case: CJI has primacy
·       Third Judges' Case: Designed collegium system
In the case of Sakal Chand Seth Case (AIR 1997), the Apex court had held that the word used under Article 124 (ii) has no effect that the President will work as per consultation. The President was not held to be bound to work in accordance with the consultation.
However, in SP Gupta v. Union of India (AIR 1982), the Apex court of a constitutional bench unanimously held that the judges will be appointed by the President with the aid and advice made by the council of ministers. Moreover, the scenario changed afterwards.
In the case of SC Advocate on Record Association v. UOI (AIR 1993), a nine-judge constitutional bench of the SC had held with a majority of 7:2 that the President will always consult the CJI while appointing the judges for the Apex court. Moreover, the CJI will recommend the names of judges with the suggestions of the two seniormost judges. It has also been held that in order to appoint the CJI, the President will appoint the seniormost judge of SC as CJI.
Firstly, cabinet used to hold an absolute control over appointing the judges of the SC. However, with the pronouncement of the above case, the absolute power on appointing judges of the higher judiciary shifted in the judiciary itself.
Similarly, in Re reference case (1999), popularly known as Judges Transfer Third Case, the nine-judge bench of SC unanimously held that a collegiums consisting of four seniormost judges plus CJI would have a role while recommending the names for the SC judges. The recommendation must come in writing form from the judges. It has also been held that as soon the recommendation of four judges out of five, including CJI, made it is sent to the President for nod.
Meanwhile, in the matter of transfer of judges of one High Court to another, the collegiums of SC will consist of:
·       CJI plus 4 judges of SC
·       Chief Justice of one HC
·       Chief justice of another HC, where the judges is going to be transferred
For example, if one of the Allahabad High Court judges wishes to get transferred into Madras HC, there would be consultation among CJI & four seniormost judges of SC, Chief Justice of Madras HC, and Chief Justice of Allahabad HC; and afterwards he will be transferred.   

Collegiums System and NJAC Act: A Comparative Analysis

The collegiums system has a history of two decades in appointing the judges of the higher courts in India. Though this system vested a blanket power under the judiciary to appoint the judges of the higher courts, including Apex Court, it raised many controversies—especially about the corruption within the judiciary in performing their duty. However, it was free from political intervention—both at appointment level and at decision making level.
Nevertheless, the newly enforced NJAC envisages that there shall be six members commission for appointing the judges of the higher courts. It is also provisioned that the CJI shall head the commission and the incumbent Union Law Minister shall be also a member there. In one way or the other, the commission as such is highly dominated with political interest of the ruling party. There would greater possibility political intervention in appointment and transfer of judges of the higher courts. If the NJAC prevails over the collegiums system, it cannot be ruled out that a day would not come when the judges of the higher courts pronounce verdicts in the line with political direction—in an apparent bid to appease the political establishment of the country. So as a law student, what I firmly believe that NJAC is disastrous for the judicial accountability and transparency.
Defending the government action, Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi told a three-judge bench: “I dare say that the job of the judges is to decide cases. It is not their job to appoint their brethren. It cannot be said to be a facet of the independence of judiciary that judges must appoint fellow judges.[12]
Earlier he had argued that collegiums system gave a blanket power to judiciary and under exercising their power under it they became corrupt in many pretexts, which is evident before all.
However, it can be argued that the AG is echoing the voice of the government and it can also be claimed that he is working at the behest of the ruling party and their popular government. The corruption is like a worm, it has no identity as such and it does not breed with the name or technicalities. It breeds anywhere and at anytime. Not only in judiciary, corruption is everywhere. So in the name of ending corruption, how many new Acts would government bring to replace the earlier ones? Could government forecast for sure that there would be no corruption and political intervention within the judiciary after the enforcement of the NJAC?
Moreover, I am not giving a clean chit to collegiums system. Neither I am advocating for the things of past. However, I have strong reservation over the NJAC Act which is sponsored ploy of the Narendra Modi-led government to influence the judiciary in a broad daylight.
Even as the senior advocate Ram Jeth Malani has expressed his reservation over the government’s move, saying it as a fraud on judiciary. He had also claimed that NJAC would certainly politically influence the judiciary. However, the Union Law Minister sing a different music.
According to the government, the judges should be appointed in the line with political mandate and the incumbent government should also have a say. He has argued that parliament is supreme as it represents the will of the people. However, his claim was misplaced as it was just like a tree with hollow trunk. In India, constitution is supreme. However, in England, parliament is supreme. His claim could best fit in England had he been in the same portfolio there.
In one way or the other, the collegiums system of appointing the judges is a road more travelled in India. It limited the influence of politics by taking absolute control over the whole process. However, the alarmist NJAC is road on which both the judiciary and union cabinet travel in a parallel manner, leaving a chance of confrontation. The judiciary is not place where the political ideology is welcomed and nurtured; its’ a place where the justice is secured in a reasonable, just and out of good faith manner.
There is greater of possibility of the Act getting struck-down by the Apex Court sooner or later. However, if the Act prevails, a day would come when the judiciary would run its business under remote control of the Union Cabinet.     


Conclusion:

The NJAC is all set to succeed the long stayed collegiums system. The collegiums has become a thing of the past. The NJAC is a legislative approach for appointing the judges in higher judiciary, including the highest court of land in India. The move of competent legislature to endorse such Act has raised many eyebrows as a considerable chunk of society takes it as alarmist.
Amid widening political intervention in every sector, the Narendra Mod-led government didn’t leave even a single stone unturned to make sure their victory by drizzling political influence even under the judiciary. The independence of higher courts is maintained on the bedrock of free and fair judiciary. However, the claims made by the Narendra Mod-led cabinet that people’s representative should also have their say in judiciary as the parliament is supreme is a misplaced reality—having remotest possibility of connection with truth. In fact, constitution is supreme in India—not necessarily parliament.
While underlining the JAC Bill last year, the Union Law Minister Shiv Shankar Parsad reiterated that parliament is supreme in India as it represent the mandate and hence on this absolute ground the legislative body should have a say in appointment of judges in judiciary. However, his argument could be rightly tuned in England, where parliament is supreme—had he been in the same portfolio as of India. More, in India constitution is supreme. So his claim is deviated from reality and does not reflect a complete picture.
The small group of judges’ collegiums system breathed its’ last with the introduction of the Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC), which defines the establishment of the proposed body to recommend appointment and transfer of judges of the Supreme Court and the high courts. It has been provisioned that the newly formed JAC will be headed by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) and will have two Supreme Court judges, the Law Minister and two eminent citizens - -to be selected by a panel comprising the Prime Minister, CJI and Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha - as its members. However, the Secretary of Justice in the Law Ministry will be the convener of JAC.  
From the above paragraph, a vivid picture comes in our mind that the to be-JAC would be fully dominated with politics and the interest behind it. No doubt it’s a sponsored ploy to harm the independency of judiciary in a broad daylight. It would be iron to claim that there was cent percent honesty in appointment and transfer of judges in yesteryears. However, it is of worth claiming that in yesteryears there was no political intervention as such.
After going through the heated arguments, what I felt that to some extent it’s a war between cat and rat for a meal. The extraordinarily clever government in the name of mandate wants to make provisions as fit for their ideology, while the dissident judiciary sings a different music. In nutshell, the introduction of NJAC is an attack on the independency of judiciary at the hands of parliament.

References:

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150311/jsp/frontpage/story_8054.jsp (Retrieved on 24th April 2015, Time: 16:45)


[2] Ibid
[5] Ibid
[9] Ibid
[10] Ibid
[11] Ibid



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